Wolfgang Hampel - and Betty MacDonald fan club fans,
we got many comments from Betty MacDonald fan club fans from 5 continents.
They can hardly believe what happened.
A nightmare came true!
That's what many Betty MacDonald fan club fans wrote us and we totally agree.
What a sad day for America and the World!
Linde Lund and Betty MacDonald fan club
Don't miss this very special book, please.
Vita Magica
Betty MacDonald
Betty MacDonald fan club
Betty MacDonald forum
Wolfgang Hampel - Wikipedia ( English )
Wolfgang Hampel - Wikipedia ( English ) - The Egg and I
Wolfgang Hampel - Wikipedia ( Polski)
Wolfgang Hampel - Wikipedia ( German )
Wolfgang Hampel - LinkFang ( German ) Wolfgang Hampel - Academic ( German )
Wolfgang Hampel - cyclopaedia.net ( German )
Wolfgang Hampel - DBpedia ( English / German )
Wolfgang Hampel - people check ( English )
Wolfgang Hampel - Memim ( English )
Vashon Island - Wikipedia ( German )
Wolfgang Hampel - Monica Sone - Wikipedia ( English )
Wolfgang Hampel - Ma and Pa Kettle - Wikipedia ( English )
Wolfgang Hampel - Ma and Pa Kettle - Wikipedia ( French )
Wolfgang Hampel - Mrs. Piggle-Wiggle - Wikipedia ( English)
Wolfgang Hampel in Florida State University
Betty MacDonald fan club founder Wolfgang Hampel
Betty MacDonald fan club interviews on CD/DVD
Betty MacDonald fan club items
Betty MacDonald fan club items - comments
Betty MacDonald fan club - The Stove and I
Betty MacDonald fan club groups
Betty MacDonald fan club organizer Linde Lund
Heide Rose and Betty MacDonald
Donald Trump Is Elected President in Stunning Repudiation of the Establishment
Donald
John Trump was elected the 45th president of the United States on
Tuesday in a stunning culmination of an explosive, populist and
polarizing campaign that took relentless aim at the institutions and
long-held ideals of American democracy.
The surprise outcome, defying late polls that showed Hillary Clinton
with a modest but persistent edge, threatened convulsions throughout
the country and the world, where skeptics had watched with alarm as Mr.
Trump’s unvarnished overtures to disillusioned voters took hold.
The
triumph for Mr. Trump, 70, a real estate developer-turned-reality
television star with no government experience, was a powerful rejection
of the establishment forces that had assembled against him, from the
world of business to government, and the consensus they had forged on
everything from trade to immigration.
The
results amounted to a repudiation, not only of Mrs. Clinton, but of
President Obama, whose legacy is suddenly imperiled. And it was a
decisive demonstration of power by a largely overlooked coalition of
mostly blue-collar white and working-class voters who felt that the
promise of the United States had slipped their grasp amid decades of
globalization and multiculturalism.
In
Mr. Trump, a thrice-married Manhattanite who lives in a marble-wrapped
three-story penthouse apartment on Fifth Avenue, they found an
improbable champion.
Continue reading the main story
“The
forgotten men and women of our country will be forgotten no longer,”
Mr. Trump told supporters around 3 a.m. on Wednesday at a rally in New
York City, just after Mrs. Clinton called to concede.
In
a departure from a blistering campaign in which he repeatedly stoked
division, Mr. Trump sought to do something he had conspicuously avoided
as a candidate: Appeal for unity.
“Now
it’s time for America to bind the wounds of division,” he said. “It is
time for us to come together as one united people. It’s time.”
That, he added, “is so important to me.”
He
offered unusually warm words for Mrs. Clinton, who he has suggested
should be in jail, saying she was owed “a major debt of gratitude for
her service to our country.”
Bolstered
by Mr. Trump’s strong showing, Republicans retained control of the
Senate. Only one Republican-controlled seat, in Illinois, fell to
Democrats early in the evening. And Senator Richard Burr of North
Carolina, a Republican, easily won re-election in a race that had been
among the country’s most competitive. A handful of other Republican
incumbents facing difficult races were running better than expected.
Mr.
Trump’s win — stretching across the battleground states of Florida,
North Carolina, Ohio and Pennsylvania — seemed likely to set off
financial jitters and immediate unease among international allies, many
of which were startled when Mr. Trump in his campaign cast doubt on the
necessity of America’s military commitments abroad and its allegiance to
international economic partnerships.
From
the moment he entered the campaign, with a shocking set of claims that
Mexican immigrants were rapists and criminals, Mr. Trump was widely
underestimated as a candidate, first by his opponents for the Republican
nomination and later by Mrs. Clinton, his Democratic rival. His rise
was largely missed by polling organizations and data analysts. And an
air of improbability trailed his campaign, to the detriment of those who
dismissed his angry message, his improvisational style and his appeal
to disillusioned voters.
He suggested remedies that raised questions of constitutionality, like a ban on Muslims entering the United States.
He
threatened opponents, promising lawsuits against news organizations
that covered him critically and women who accused him of sexual assault.
At times, he simply lied.
But
Mr. Trump’s unfiltered rallies and unshakable self-regard attracted a
zealous following, fusing unsubtle identity politics with an economic
populism that often defied party doctrine.
His
rallies — furious, entertaining, heavy on name-calling and nationalist
overtones — became the nexus of a political movement, with daily
promises of sweeping victory, in the election and otherwise, and an
insistence that the country’s political machinery was “rigged” against
Mr. Trump and those who admired him.
He
seemed to embody the success and grandeur that so many of his followers
felt was missing from their own lives — and from the country itself.
And he scoffed at the poll-driven word-parsing ways of modern politics,
calling them a waste of time and money. Instead, he relied on his gut.
At
his victory party at the New York Hilton Midtown, where a raucous crowd
indulged in a cash bar and wore hats bearing his ubiquitous campaign
slogan “Make America Great Again,” voters expressed gratification that
their voices had, at last, been heard.
“He
was talking to people who weren’t being spoken to,” said Joseph
Gravagna, 37, a marketing company owner from Rockland County, N.Y.
“That’s how I knew he was going to win.”
For
Mrs. Clinton, the defeat signaled an astonishing end to a political
dynasty that has colored Democratic politics for a generation. Eight
years after losing to President Obama in the Democratic primary — and 16
years after leaving the White House for the United States Senate, as
President Bill Clinton exited office — she had seemed positioned to
carry on two legacies: her husband’s and the president’s.
Her
shocking loss was a devastating turn for the sprawling world of Clinton
aides and strategists who believed they had built an electoral machine
that would swamp Mr. Trump’s ragtag band of loyal operatives and family
members, many of whom had no experience running a national campaign.
On
Tuesday night, stricken Clinton aides who believed that Mr. Trump had
no mathematical path to victory, anxiously paced the Jacob K. Javits
Convention Center as states in which they were confident of victory,
like Florida and North Carolina, either fell to Mr. Trump or seemed in
danger of tipping his way.
Mrs.
Clinton watched the grim results roll in from a suite at the nearby
Peninsula Hotel, surrounded by her family, friends and advisers who had
the day before celebrated her candidacy with a champagne toast on her
campaign plane.
But
over and over, Mrs. Clinton’s weaknesses as a candidate were exposed.
She failed to excite voters hungry for change. She struggled to build
trust with Americans who were baffled by her decision to use a private
email server as secretary of state. And she strained to make a
persuasive case for herself as a champion of the economically
downtrodden after delivering perfunctory paid speeches that earned her
millions of dollars.
The returns Tuesday also amounted to a historic rebuke of the Democratic Party
from the white blue-collar voters who had formed the party base from
the presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt to Mr. Clinton’s. Yet Mrs.
Clinton and her advisers had taken for granted that states like Michigan
and Wisconsin would stick with a Democratic nominee, and that she could
repeat Mr. Obama’s strategy of mobilizing the party’s ascendant liberal
coalition rather than pursuing a more moderate course like her husband
did 24 years ago.
But
not until these voters were offered a Republican who ran as an
unapologetic populist, railing against foreign trade deals and illegal
immigration, did they move so drastically away from their ancestral
political home.
To
the surprise of many on the left, white voters who had helped elect the
nation’s first black president, appeared more reluctant to line up
behind a white woman.
From
Pennsylvania to Wisconsin, industrial towns once full of union voters
who for decades offered their votes to Democratic presidential
candidates, even in the party’s lean years, shifted to Mr. Trump’s Republican Party.
One county in the Mahoning Valley of Ohio, Trumbull, went to Mr. Trump
by a six-point margin. Four years ago, Mr. Obama won there by 22 points.
Mrs.
Clinton’s loss was especially crushing to millions who had cheered her
march toward history as, they hoped, the nation’s first female
president. For supporters, the election often felt like a referendum on
gender progress: an opportunity to elevate a woman to the nation’s top
job and to repudiate a man whose remarkably boorish behavior toward
women had assumed center stage during much of the campaign.
Mr.
Trump boasted, in a 2005 video released last month, about using his
public profile to commit sexual assault. He suggested that female
political rivals lacked a presidential “look.” He ranked women on a
scale of one to 10, even holding forth on the desirability of his own
daughter — the kind of throwback male behavior that many in the country
assumed would disqualify a candidate for high office.
On Tuesday, the public’s verdict was rendered.
Uncertainty
abounds as Mr. Trump prepares to take office. His campaign featured a
shape-shifting list of policy proposals, often seeming to change hour to
hour. His staff was in constant turmoil, with Mr. Trump’s children
serving critical campaign roles and a rotating cast of advisers
alternately seeking access to Mr. Trump’s ear, losing it and, often,
regaining it, depending on the day.
Even
Mr. Trump’s full embrace of the Republican Party came exceedingly late
in life, leaving members of both parties unsure about what he truly
believes. He has donated heavily to both parties and has long described
his politics as the transactional reality of a businessman.
Mr.
Trump’s dozens of business entanglements — many of them in foreign
countries — will follow him into the Oval Office, raising questions
about potential conflicts of interest. His refusal to release his tax
returns, and his acknowledgment that he did not pay federal income taxes
for years, has left the American people with considerable gaps in their
understanding of the financial dealings.
But
this they do know: Mr. Trump will thoroughly reimagine the tone,
standards and expectations of the presidency, molding it in his own
self-aggrandizing image.
He is set to take the oath of office on Jan. 20.
Amy Chozick, Ashley Parker, Patrick Healy and Jonathan Martin contributed reporting.
Find out what you need to know about the 2016 presidential race today, and get politics news updates via Facebook, Twitter and the Morning Briefing newsletter.